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  Reports
On 55th anniversary of Independence Day, Yemeni people more determined to defeat new occupiers: Report
On 55th anniversary of Independence Day, Yemeni people more determined to defeat new occupiers: Report
On 55th anniversary of Independence Day, Yemeni people more determined to defeat new occupiers: Report
[01/December/2022]

SANA'A December 01. 2022 (Saba) - The 30th of November is an exceptional day in the history of Yemen and the Arab world in general. The Yemeni people ended a colonial era that lasted 129 years, during which the British occupation practiced all forms of oppression, looting, and domination.


The importance of Independence Day lies in the fact that it represented a moral and political victory not only for Yemen but for the Arab countries as well, as it came after the setback of June 1967, which gave it a national dimension and made it more of an Arab occasion than a purely Yemeni one.

November 30 represents a summary of the struggles that lasted for more than four years and an extension of the October 14 revolution launched by the free revolutionaries from Radfan Mountains in 1963 to constitute one of the most prominent Arab revolutions that took place against the most powerful colonial empire on which the sun never set and forced it to leave Aden broken and humiliated.

However, the anniversary of independence coincides with the eighth year of aggression against Yemen. Colonialism returned in its new form to the southern provinces under the name of the American-Saudi-Emirati alliance to keep pace with its movements and ambitions with its British predecessor, who is a key partner in the aggression against Yemen and seeks through this partnership to realize its dream of returning to the south of the homeland.

After 55 years of the country's independence, the presence of the coalition forces since 2015 represented a setback and the beginning of a new colonial era by virtue of the blatant interventions practiced by the occupying countries, which harm the status and sovereignty of the Yemeni state and work to feed the regional and separatist parties in the southern provinces, just as Britain used to support Sheikhdoms and Sultans before 1967.

Certainly, with the British occupation seeking from the beginning to control the strategic islands and Yemeni waterways, the countries of the Saudi-Emirati aggression coalition, along with the international powers, are racing to occupy the Yemeni islands and control the same waterways that control the lines of global trade.

The declaration of independence and the evacuation of the last British soldier from the south of the homeland was not a coincidence or a gift from the British occupation, but the inevitable result of long struggles and sacrifices made by the revolutionaries for freedom and independence.

In this regard, the fighter Abdulfattah In an interview on the anniversary of independence, fighter Ali Antar asserts that "independence came after a long struggle, the result of which was the expulsion of the British, the sweeping away of the British agents, the overthrow of the Emirates (also known as sultanates) and the sheikhdoms. November 30 was the day of unification of the people, the overthrow of the agents, and the end of the division in the southern part of the homeland." Ismail notes in one of his memoirs that "the armed battle for national independence started from the countryside in the first place to fuse with the struggle of the working class, the revolutionary intellectuals in the city who believed in the armed struggle and in the political position of the October 14 revolution until it succeeds its goals." The National Front, through their unification, the long struggle and sacrifices, and the convoys of martyrs achieved victory for the October 14 Revolution on November 30, 1967.

The outbreak of the revolution from Radfan Mountains marked the beginning of the phase of the armed struggle, which lasted for a full four years, starting from 1963 until the declaration of independence on November 30, 1967, despite the military operations and aerial bombardment launched by the British forces against the revolutionaries.

The armed struggle continued through the formation of the Southern Yemen Liberation Front and the National Front, despite all attempts by the occupation to create a rift in the resistance front, which continued its operations against the positions and gatherings of the occupation and inflicted many material and human losses on it, while the city of Aden witnessed a strike and widespread popular demonstrations in rejection of the occupation.

The National Front was able to control many sheikhdoms and sultanates in Aden, Hadhramaut, and others, after which Britain was forced to announce through its foreign minister its willingness to grant independence to southern Yemen by November 30, 1967.

Many factors helped to accelerate the exit of colonialism at the end of November, after four years of gradual armed struggle, and the discrepancies that permeated it between the comrades of the armed struggle, so that the year 1967 was a good beginning for the bloc of national forces led by the National Front, especially after the Third Humor Conference, ( Humar an area near Qa'atabah city in Dhale' province,and the separation of the National Front from the Liberation Front and work independently, which helped it to raise the commando work to the level of daily confrontation with the occupation forces in Aden, starting from the beginning of 1967, and the establishment of the authority of the National Front in the countryside and besieging the city of Aden and finally liberating it and wresting independence and freedom on November 30.

Among the most important factors that also helped to accelerate the exit of the occupation forces were the people standing by the revolution, and the revolutionaries directing strong blows to the agents and foreigners, who were playing a major role in monitoring and carrying out a self-sacrifice operation.

Develop the concept of national liberation

The National Front, which led the October 14 revolution, put at the forefront of its goals liberation from colonialism, the removal of sultanates, the unification of the lands and islands of the southern part of Yemen, the guarantee of independence, the preservation of national sovereignty, and the linking of national liberation issues with social liberation from exploitation, cutting off economic dependence on global capitalism, and overcoming the reality of underdevelopment perpetuated by colonialism, building a just state, solidarity with the struggle of peoples against colonialism and global Zionism, and moving from confronting colonialism at home to confronting it in the world, considering the country as part of the global revolutionary movement.

This understanding of the issue of national liberation was evident in the reality of the situation today, when Western colonialism returned in new forms, from American, British and French colonialism; Britain is the first international actor in the current situation, and a major supporter of the aggressive military intervention in Yemen, and through that, it exercises its old colonial strategies through the United Arab Emirates, which occupies most of the Yemeni islands and coasts in the south, east and west of the country with the help of local militias.

Repeating Colonial policies

The essence of the British colonial policy applied by the coalition of aggression today, while absorbing developments, is the division of southern Yemen into areas to suit the old colonial division of southern Yemen into eastern and western protectorates, as well as the separation of southern Yemen into eastern and western protectorates. The western coast of northern Yemen, which is also a British project par excellence, dividing northern Yemen into two states "Zaidi" and "Shafi'i", and provoking sectarian fanaticism, is an old and new British project.

Compared to the challenges faced by the October 14 revolution, the conformity with the challenges that faced the September 21 revolution until today is apparent, including the foreign invasion and the creation of military fronts by counter-revolutionary forces in alliance with colonialism and Gulf reactionary forces, as well as targeting the home front, and working to explode secondary contradictions in the ranks of the revolution, the people, the imposition of a blockade and economic war, the occupation of the Yemeni islands by the Emirates, and their expulsion from the sphere of national sovereignty, and even from the sphere of mercenary rule. Rather, the areas that were defined by the National Front Charter in 1965 as occupied areas are today under Emirati-Saudi occupation.

The political and military aspects remained the main feature of British colonialism in the south of the homeland, as Aden had turned before the October 14 revolution into a headquarters for the British colonial leadership in the countries of the island, the Arabian Gulf and the Middle East, a transit station for the supply of fuel to the British commercial fleets, and a military base that secures the protection of roads and sea lanes to regions of India and East Africa.

After World War II, Aden also formed a focal point and a military bridge head for NATO to carry out aggressive actions against Arab and African national liberation movements. The British worked to establish military airports on the island of Kamaran in addition to the main airport in Khormaksar city and other Sheikhdoms and Sultanates.

Economic Colonialism

The British occupation in the south of the country impoverished the Yemeni people and targeted the natural economy of cities and rural areas, and transformed the southern regions, with their cities and countryside, into open markets for the products of foreign companies. British goods also eliminated what existed from the workshops and national handicraft industries, so fabrics, all clothing, furnishings, and household appliances became imported from outside.

The British occupier focused on supporting the Fiefdoms, which constituted a barrier to the development of productive forces in the countryside, and established a political alliance with the feudal Sultans to impose colonial domination and control on all parts of the country.

Since 2015, the same economic ambitions have returned to the British colonial mentality, and represented a motive for its involvement in the aggression against Yemen, to assign the task of controlling the ports and the part and plundering the oil, gas, and fish wealth to its agents in the region (Saudi Arabia and the UAE) and continues to disrupt state institutions and deepen the economic and humanitarian crises, after the aerial bombardment of the aggression coalition aircraft destroyed most of the country's infrastructure.

Ruling by oppression and mercenaries

Just as the aggression coalition suppresses citizens and practices violations, looting, arrests, torture, and exploitation in all its forms through the creation of many affiliated entities and militias, British control was based on the suppression of the popular majority and the closeness of a handful of mercenaries benefiting from colonialism.

The British occupation forces have given themselves the right to search any place, arrest and interrogate any person, confiscate their documents, remove signs and flags, and put any mass organization under surveillance and other repressive practices and violations that are difficult to understand.

Post-independence challenges

It is noticeable that the challenges that faced the independence that was achieved after the October 14 revolution are the same challenges that face the September 21 revolution since its success in the year 2014 in overthrowing the external tutelage of Yemen and its local tools that have been working for the benefit of external powers in exchange for financial and political privileges far from the interest public for the Yemeni people.

In a clear effort to thwart the goals of the popular September 21 revolution in freedom, independence, and liberation from tutelage and external domination, the forces of the new-old colonialism launched military aggression and interfered directly in the country's internal affairs, in a repetition of the same scenario and challenges that faced the October 14 revolution after achieving independence. The counter-revolution began and the attempt of British colonialism to return again by provoking internal contradictions, exacerbating the economic situation, and direct intervention.

The first ministerial program of the revolutionary government in 1968 dealt with the most prominent challenges that faced independence, including the export of the counter-revolution from outside the republic in partnership with the rulers of the defunct era of feudal sultans, agents, and politicians supported by colonialism to organize infiltration and sabotage operations, and attempts to contain the revolution and fuel conflicts among the revolutionaries to distract them from confronting the real enemies, in a way that enables the collapsed reactionary forces to return to power and ally with neo-colonialism.

The nascent republic was subjected to economic pressures so that it could not control the national economy and liberate it from foreign dependence, and other new old colonial methods, in addition to Britain's attempt to maintain its old economic interests and shirk its obligations and undertakings in paying compensation in exchange for its exploitation and use of the republic's lands, airspace, and economic resources. During the long occupation, seeking to stifle the will of the Yemeni people and overthrow their progressive regime by detonating the financial crisis, and other forms of wars and fabricated crises practiced by the aggression coalition today, targeting the national currency, cutting salaries, tightening the siege on ports and airports, plundering oil, gas and fish wealth, and other methods of harassment and starvation to discourage the Yemeni people from obtaining their legitimate rights to freedom and independence.

In light of these challenges, the Yemeni people have an urgent task to continue their revolutionary approach that they started on September 21, 2014, to continue confronting the aggression, one of whose most important goals was to restore guardianship over Yemen, and to prevent the people from achieving their aspirations to build a strong state and a national economy liberated from Subordination to abroad and strengthening the country's defensive and offensive capabilities, which began to be realized as one of the fruits of the revolution, despite the country's difficult circumstances.

The September 21 revolution considers the issue of foreign invasion and occupation as one of the most prominent national issues and tasks. Leader of the revolution, Sayyed Abd al-Malik Badr al-Din al-Houthi and President of the Supreme Political Council Field Marshal Mahdi al-Mashat, stresses on various occasions the national, religious, and moral commitment to expelling the invaders, purifying every inch of Yemeni land, and preserving National sovereignty, on land, sea, and air.

From this logic, the leadership of the revolution and all the free people among the Yemeni people see that the celebration of the anniversary of Independence Day remains incomplete as long as there is an Emirati, Saudi or American soldier on the soil of the homeland, north and south, and just as the Yemeni people celebrated the evacuation of the last British soldier on the 30th of November, the Yemenis must celebrate sooner or later, the new forces of invasion and occupation of all Yemeni lands will be defeated.

H.H



resource : Saba

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UPDATED ON :Mon, 06 Feb 2023 00:02:36 +0300