SANA'A August 18. 2024 (Saba) - The recent confessions from the American-Israeli spy cell have unveiled the extent of the American involvement in manipulating the course of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) to ensure the success of the plan to divide Yemen into six regions.
Spy Shaif al-Hamdani revealed that while the National Dialogue Conference ostensibly aimed to bring together political factions, civil society organizations, youth, women, and other groups under one umbrella, the United States had a hidden agenda. Its true objective was to exert influence and control over the conference to maintain its grip on Yemen politically, economically, militarily, and socially.
Al-Hamdani stated that a key priority was to secure full support for the National Dialogue from President Hadi. All relevant agencies at the U.S. embassy were involved, including the political and economic departments, the ambassador’s office, the cultural attaché, the military attaché, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and U.S. intelligence. These entities worked in concert to push forward the American agenda at the conference through their local contacts, such as Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, President Hadi himself, Ali Mohsen, and the Joint Meeting Parties.
Spy Hisham Al-Wazir revealed that the National Democratic Institute (NDI) was actively involved in monitoring and participating in the sessions of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC). The institute's daily tasks included attending various sessions, with a particular focus on the state-building group and topics related to women, youth, and civil society organizations. Reports on these sessions were submitted daily to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), followed by meetings with the agency's director, Herbie Smith, and deputy director, Tammy Hermes Sanchez. Additionally, meetings were arranged with the U.S. ambassador and deputy ambassador at that time.
Al-Wazir highlighted that one of NDI’s main roles in the NDC was to bring in foreign experts to offer consultation on drafting the constitution and making recommendations on matters concerning women, youth, and civil society organizations. The institute also focused on capacity building, which involved administrative training, negotiation skills, and other relevant skills provided to various political parties and groups at the conference, excluding the Ansar Allah faction.
Further elaborating on the American involvement, spy Shaif al-Hamdani explained that he was involved with the RGP (Responsible Governance Program), which operated under the supervision of Tammy Hermes Sanchez. The RGP's role was to support the NDC by offering technical facilitation and studies for certain components, particularly those dealing with women’s quotas. The program also trained young facilitators, who were then integrated into different groups within the NDC. These facilitators were indoctrinated with Western priorities and ideas, and they were encouraged to support and advocate for figures in the NDC who were aligned with American and Western agendas. Additionally, these facilitators were tasked with reporting on daily events and information from the conference, ensuring that U.S. interests were maintained throughout the proceedings.
He explained that the Responsible Governance Program (RGP), directed by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the U.S. Embassy, regularly funded civil society organizations with grants ranging from $10,000 to $20,000, and sometimes more, to promote the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference at the grassroots level. The primary objective was to ensure widespread acceptance of the conference's outcomes among the populace, facilitating a smooth referendum on the constitution as well as subsequent presidential, parliamentary, and local elections. This strategy was aimed at guaranteeing the success and implementation of the American and Western agenda in Yemen.
He added that both the agency and the embassy placed significant emphasis on studies and opinion polls to gauge public acceptance of the dialogue's outcomes, recognizing it as a critical challenge that could jeopardize the entire process. To address this, the NDI provided support to local community organizations to bolster the promotion of the Dialogue Conference's results.
He emphasized that the United States exerted its full influence on the National Dialogue by offering all forms of support and mobilizing the embassy's various agencies to ensure the success of the Dialogue Conference. The ultimate goal was to divide Yemen into six regions, a move intended to maintain U.S. control over the country, a strategic objective that was seen as increasingly at risk.
He mentioned, "Brad Hansen assigned me to attend the National Dialogue and monitor its progress, specifically focusing on the direction of the six-region plan, the extent to which American objectives were being met, and identifying the parties and individuals who posed obstacles to achieving these goals. These were the key concerns that Brad Hansen wanted to clarify."
He added, "I carried out this task, attending some of the dialogue sessions and gathering information from key figures in the dialogue management, including Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, the Secretary General of the National Dialogue, Afrah Al-Zuba, the First Deputy, and Osama Al-Ra'ini, the Second Deputy. I regularly reported back to Brad Hansen, as this matter was of significant importance to him."
Meanwhile, the spy Hisham Al-Wazir explained that the USAID-OTI (Office of Transition Initiatives) was one of the most critical departments within the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) that provided support to the National Dialogue Conference and its priorities. The OTI office specializes in managing political transitions in countries undergoing such processes.
He noted that while USAID is typically bogged down by severe bureaucracy and lengthy approval processes for projects, the situation was different for the Dialogue Conference. Due to the urgency, Washington decided to establish the USAID-OTI department in Yemen. This department operated independently, both financially and administratively, and coordinated directly with the agency director and the ambassador, granting it the freedom to work without the usual constraints. It also utilized the International Organization for Migration (IOM) as an operational arm to implement its initiatives within the country.
Spy al-Wazir reported that the OTI department was actively distributing grants ranging from $10,000 to $20,000, and sometimes more, to local community organizations. These funds were used to carry out activities that aligned with American interests, goals, and policies, with the Dialogue Conference being a top priority at the time. The department provided daily grants to support the Dialogue Conference and to maintain the legitimacy of Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi's regime by addressing local needs.
He emphasized that the OTI department played a crucial role in Yemen's so-called political transition and in supporting the legitimacy of the "spring." This support was extended to various sectors within the government, including the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the Presidency, the Prime Ministry, and other key ministries and sensitive civil bodies that were important to the Hadi regime.
Spy al-Wazir stressed that the American side was careful not to publicly display foreign support for President Hadi and his government to prevent the Yemeni people from realizing the extent of American and Western influence in their country. There was already a widespread perception that the president and other government members were subordinate to the Americans and the West. The OTI project was designed to mitigate or at least reduce this perception.
He also noted that USAID-OTI, the RGP, and NDI were the most significant operational arms of the U.S. Agency for Development in Yemen. Additionally, the Middle East Partnership Initiative played a similar role, though on a smaller scale due to its limited resources at the time. The US Ambassador's Fund, located in the media department, also contributed to these efforts.
He noted, "The primary focus of the US Agency for Development regarding the Dialogue Conference was to prepare projects that would support the implementation of federalism in Yemen."
Spy Amer Al-Aghbari revealed that during his tenure at the US Embassy, he collaborated with American intelligence officer Roland McKee and Joan Cummings. They issued stringent instructions to the National Dialogue Committees to prevent the Houthis from gaining control over seaports, airports, or acquiring significant influence.
Spy Hisham Al-Wazir further explained that he worked with Chris Jenens, who came to Sana'a from Washington and spent several months there developing projects to support federalism and decentralization in Yemen. These projects were modeled after similar initiatives in Iraq and Afghanistan, particularly Iraq, where the US had sought to establish a federal state following its occupation.
Al-Wazir highlighted that the projects were heavily focused on the financial aspects necessary for effective federalism. Without adequate financial resources, neither centralization nor federalism could be achieved. Thus, projects were designed to support the financial sustainability of local entities designated as regions or independent areas.
He added, "The goal was to present local community organizations as key partners, ensuring that they were included in the constitution and applicable laws. These organizations were intended to manage service delivery, with a portion of the financial resources allocated to them from either central or local government funds to implement these services effectively."
He emphasized that the hidden agenda behind these initiatives was to infiltrate local communities through these organizations, granting them an increased role to implement American and Western policies. This strategy was designed to mobilize local populations in a manner similar to interventions seen in countries like Ukraine or Georgia, by connecting local figures with the American and Western embassies and foreign development agencies.
He explained that the World Bank was tasked with this role because the US Agency for Development had reached its capacity through its RGP project in supporting local community organizations. The approach shifted towards leveraging a more robust administrative and financial entity, which led to the selection of the World Bank for this task.
The spy minister noted that Chris Jenens focused on overseeing the Constitution Drafting Committee and addressing its needs. For instance, the US Agency for Development provided all technical support, including computers and drafting examples. The American firm Pillsbury, funded by OTI - USAID, was assigned to assist with the constitution drafting process, working closely with the UN envoy’s office and directly coordinating with the head of the Constitution Drafting Committee, Ismail Al-Wazir.
He stressed that the constitution drafting process was crucial, and the Americans aimed to expedite it to embed their key objectives, such as federalism and decentralization of financial management, into the Yemeni constitution.
He noted that as the National Dialogue Conference neared its conclusion and delved into sensitive issues, the Ansar Allah component emerged as the primary obstacle. He explained that "Murad Dhafer" played a key role as an intermediary between the US embassy and Hamid al-Ahmar. Consequently, they informed the American Democratic Institute about the urgent need to address the Ansar Allah issue to overcome the challenges.
He recounted being present at a meeting where Murad Dhafer stated that, according to his experience with the Americans, the only effective approach to dealing with Ansar Allah was through force. Both Laura Nicholas and Mohammed Salem Azzan supported this view, emphasizing that coercion was necessary to compel Ansar Allah to comply with demands they were resisting.
He added, "Shortly after this meeting, the Damaj war broke out in Saada Governorate, and the coordination between the Americans and the Salafis intensified through meetings involving some American-affiliated parties, such as the Democratic Institute, and members of the Rashad Party at the Dialogue Conference."
Spy al-Wazir continued, "The Rashad Party members had connections with the Salafis in Damaj. Herbie Smith and Tammy Hermes Sanchez informed me that these meetings held by the NDI were directed by the embassy and coincided with the Damaj war. Simultaneously, I learned that Murad Dhafer was instructed to increase his meetings with Hamid al-Ahmar, specifically from the Islah Party. Following this, the conflict expanded, with wars erupting between Ansarullah and the Islah Party in Al-Jawf Governorate and the Islah Party imposing a siege on Saada Governorate."
He observed that "Herbie Smith and Tammy Hermes Sanchez, through meetings with them, significantly increased coordination with Ahmed bin Mubarak and Afrah Al-Zuba via the American ambassador and deputy ambassador. They were urged to overcome difficulties swiftly as the military situation was becoming unfavorable for the Americans."
He continued, "The Americans requested that I intensify the provision of information on military developments, which I did. Coordination with Hamid Al-Ahmar was heightened, and the British embassy also became involved. The British ambassador coordinated directly with Hamid Al-Ahmar and frequently visited the American embassy to liaise with the American ambassador and his deputy."
In this context, the spy Shaif Al-Hamdani confirmed that the United States recognized the critical stage of its presence in Yemen. Consequently, it instructed its operatives not to tolerate any opposition to the American agenda for the dialogue, which advocated for dividing Yemen into six regions. Additionally, it directed its allies, such as Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar, to eliminate influential political and academic figures opposing the American agenda.
Spy Shaif al-Hamdani revealed that while the National Dialogue Conference ostensibly aimed to bring together political factions, civil society organizations, youth, women, and other groups under one umbrella, the United States had a hidden agenda. Its true objective was to exert influence and control over the conference to maintain its grip on Yemen politically, economically, militarily, and socially.
Al-Hamdani stated that a key priority was to secure full support for the National Dialogue from President Hadi. All relevant agencies at the U.S. embassy were involved, including the political and economic departments, the ambassador’s office, the cultural attaché, the military attaché, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and U.S. intelligence. These entities worked in concert to push forward the American agenda at the conference through their local contacts, such as Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, President Hadi himself, Ali Mohsen, and the Joint Meeting Parties.
Spy Hisham Al-Wazir revealed that the National Democratic Institute (NDI) was actively involved in monitoring and participating in the sessions of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC). The institute's daily tasks included attending various sessions, with a particular focus on the state-building group and topics related to women, youth, and civil society organizations. Reports on these sessions were submitted daily to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), followed by meetings with the agency's director, Herbie Smith, and deputy director, Tammy Hermes Sanchez. Additionally, meetings were arranged with the U.S. ambassador and deputy ambassador at that time.
Al-Wazir highlighted that one of NDI’s main roles in the NDC was to bring in foreign experts to offer consultation on drafting the constitution and making recommendations on matters concerning women, youth, and civil society organizations. The institute also focused on capacity building, which involved administrative training, negotiation skills, and other relevant skills provided to various political parties and groups at the conference, excluding the Ansar Allah faction.
Further elaborating on the American involvement, spy Shaif al-Hamdani explained that he was involved with the RGP (Responsible Governance Program), which operated under the supervision of Tammy Hermes Sanchez. The RGP's role was to support the NDC by offering technical facilitation and studies for certain components, particularly those dealing with women’s quotas. The program also trained young facilitators, who were then integrated into different groups within the NDC. These facilitators were indoctrinated with Western priorities and ideas, and they were encouraged to support and advocate for figures in the NDC who were aligned with American and Western agendas. Additionally, these facilitators were tasked with reporting on daily events and information from the conference, ensuring that U.S. interests were maintained throughout the proceedings.
He explained that the Responsible Governance Program (RGP), directed by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the U.S. Embassy, regularly funded civil society organizations with grants ranging from $10,000 to $20,000, and sometimes more, to promote the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference at the grassroots level. The primary objective was to ensure widespread acceptance of the conference's outcomes among the populace, facilitating a smooth referendum on the constitution as well as subsequent presidential, parliamentary, and local elections. This strategy was aimed at guaranteeing the success and implementation of the American and Western agenda in Yemen.
He added that both the agency and the embassy placed significant emphasis on studies and opinion polls to gauge public acceptance of the dialogue's outcomes, recognizing it as a critical challenge that could jeopardize the entire process. To address this, the NDI provided support to local community organizations to bolster the promotion of the Dialogue Conference's results.
He emphasized that the United States exerted its full influence on the National Dialogue by offering all forms of support and mobilizing the embassy's various agencies to ensure the success of the Dialogue Conference. The ultimate goal was to divide Yemen into six regions, a move intended to maintain U.S. control over the country, a strategic objective that was seen as increasingly at risk.
He mentioned, "Brad Hansen assigned me to attend the National Dialogue and monitor its progress, specifically focusing on the direction of the six-region plan, the extent to which American objectives were being met, and identifying the parties and individuals who posed obstacles to achieving these goals. These were the key concerns that Brad Hansen wanted to clarify."
He added, "I carried out this task, attending some of the dialogue sessions and gathering information from key figures in the dialogue management, including Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, the Secretary General of the National Dialogue, Afrah Al-Zuba, the First Deputy, and Osama Al-Ra'ini, the Second Deputy. I regularly reported back to Brad Hansen, as this matter was of significant importance to him."
Meanwhile, the spy Hisham Al-Wazir explained that the USAID-OTI (Office of Transition Initiatives) was one of the most critical departments within the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) that provided support to the National Dialogue Conference and its priorities. The OTI office specializes in managing political transitions in countries undergoing such processes.
He noted that while USAID is typically bogged down by severe bureaucracy and lengthy approval processes for projects, the situation was different for the Dialogue Conference. Due to the urgency, Washington decided to establish the USAID-OTI department in Yemen. This department operated independently, both financially and administratively, and coordinated directly with the agency director and the ambassador, granting it the freedom to work without the usual constraints. It also utilized the International Organization for Migration (IOM) as an operational arm to implement its initiatives within the country.
Spy al-Wazir reported that the OTI department was actively distributing grants ranging from $10,000 to $20,000, and sometimes more, to local community organizations. These funds were used to carry out activities that aligned with American interests, goals, and policies, with the Dialogue Conference being a top priority at the time. The department provided daily grants to support the Dialogue Conference and to maintain the legitimacy of Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi's regime by addressing local needs.
He emphasized that the OTI department played a crucial role in Yemen's so-called political transition and in supporting the legitimacy of the "spring." This support was extended to various sectors within the government, including the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the Presidency, the Prime Ministry, and other key ministries and sensitive civil bodies that were important to the Hadi regime.
Spy al-Wazir stressed that the American side was careful not to publicly display foreign support for President Hadi and his government to prevent the Yemeni people from realizing the extent of American and Western influence in their country. There was already a widespread perception that the president and other government members were subordinate to the Americans and the West. The OTI project was designed to mitigate or at least reduce this perception.
He also noted that USAID-OTI, the RGP, and NDI were the most significant operational arms of the U.S. Agency for Development in Yemen. Additionally, the Middle East Partnership Initiative played a similar role, though on a smaller scale due to its limited resources at the time. The US Ambassador's Fund, located in the media department, also contributed to these efforts.
He noted, "The primary focus of the US Agency for Development regarding the Dialogue Conference was to prepare projects that would support the implementation of federalism in Yemen."
Spy Amer Al-Aghbari revealed that during his tenure at the US Embassy, he collaborated with American intelligence officer Roland McKee and Joan Cummings. They issued stringent instructions to the National Dialogue Committees to prevent the Houthis from gaining control over seaports, airports, or acquiring significant influence.
Spy Hisham Al-Wazir further explained that he worked with Chris Jenens, who came to Sana'a from Washington and spent several months there developing projects to support federalism and decentralization in Yemen. These projects were modeled after similar initiatives in Iraq and Afghanistan, particularly Iraq, where the US had sought to establish a federal state following its occupation.
Al-Wazir highlighted that the projects were heavily focused on the financial aspects necessary for effective federalism. Without adequate financial resources, neither centralization nor federalism could be achieved. Thus, projects were designed to support the financial sustainability of local entities designated as regions or independent areas.
He added, "The goal was to present local community organizations as key partners, ensuring that they were included in the constitution and applicable laws. These organizations were intended to manage service delivery, with a portion of the financial resources allocated to them from either central or local government funds to implement these services effectively."
He emphasized that the hidden agenda behind these initiatives was to infiltrate local communities through these organizations, granting them an increased role to implement American and Western policies. This strategy was designed to mobilize local populations in a manner similar to interventions seen in countries like Ukraine or Georgia, by connecting local figures with the American and Western embassies and foreign development agencies.
He explained that the World Bank was tasked with this role because the US Agency for Development had reached its capacity through its RGP project in supporting local community organizations. The approach shifted towards leveraging a more robust administrative and financial entity, which led to the selection of the World Bank for this task.
The spy minister noted that Chris Jenens focused on overseeing the Constitution Drafting Committee and addressing its needs. For instance, the US Agency for Development provided all technical support, including computers and drafting examples. The American firm Pillsbury, funded by OTI - USAID, was assigned to assist with the constitution drafting process, working closely with the UN envoy’s office and directly coordinating with the head of the Constitution Drafting Committee, Ismail Al-Wazir.
He stressed that the constitution drafting process was crucial, and the Americans aimed to expedite it to embed their key objectives, such as federalism and decentralization of financial management, into the Yemeni constitution.
He noted that as the National Dialogue Conference neared its conclusion and delved into sensitive issues, the Ansar Allah component emerged as the primary obstacle. He explained that "Murad Dhafer" played a key role as an intermediary between the US embassy and Hamid al-Ahmar. Consequently, they informed the American Democratic Institute about the urgent need to address the Ansar Allah issue to overcome the challenges.
He recounted being present at a meeting where Murad Dhafer stated that, according to his experience with the Americans, the only effective approach to dealing with Ansar Allah was through force. Both Laura Nicholas and Mohammed Salem Azzan supported this view, emphasizing that coercion was necessary to compel Ansar Allah to comply with demands they were resisting.
He added, "Shortly after this meeting, the Damaj war broke out in Saada Governorate, and the coordination between the Americans and the Salafis intensified through meetings involving some American-affiliated parties, such as the Democratic Institute, and members of the Rashad Party at the Dialogue Conference."
Spy al-Wazir continued, "The Rashad Party members had connections with the Salafis in Damaj. Herbie Smith and Tammy Hermes Sanchez informed me that these meetings held by the NDI were directed by the embassy and coincided with the Damaj war. Simultaneously, I learned that Murad Dhafer was instructed to increase his meetings with Hamid al-Ahmar, specifically from the Islah Party. Following this, the conflict expanded, with wars erupting between Ansarullah and the Islah Party in Al-Jawf Governorate and the Islah Party imposing a siege on Saada Governorate."
He observed that "Herbie Smith and Tammy Hermes Sanchez, through meetings with them, significantly increased coordination with Ahmed bin Mubarak and Afrah Al-Zuba via the American ambassador and deputy ambassador. They were urged to overcome difficulties swiftly as the military situation was becoming unfavorable for the Americans."
He continued, "The Americans requested that I intensify the provision of information on military developments, which I did. Coordination with Hamid Al-Ahmar was heightened, and the British embassy also became involved. The British ambassador coordinated directly with Hamid Al-Ahmar and frequently visited the American embassy to liaise with the American ambassador and his deputy."
In this context, the spy Shaif Al-Hamdani confirmed that the United States recognized the critical stage of its presence in Yemen. Consequently, it instructed its operatives not to tolerate any opposition to the American agenda for the dialogue, which advocated for dividing Yemen into six regions. Additionally, it directed its allies, such as Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar, to eliminate influential political and academic figures opposing the American agenda.
resource : Saba